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October Crisis Essay Papers On Beowulf


The story of the FLQ (Front de Liberation du Quebec) and the October Crisis has taught us not to take the first signs of terrorism lightly. The federal government and the government of Quebec acted appropriately given the situation presented by the FLQ's actions. This essay will focus on three areas of importance in protecting our country's safety during the October Crisis of 1970: the protection of high profile politicians that were in danger from the FLQ, the placement of military officers in Quebec City, Montreal, and Ottawa; and the federal government's implementation of the War Measures Act.

The first important action by the government was the protection of high profile politicians, who had a direct and indirect involvement with the FLQ's actions. The FLQ had kidnapped two politicians, British diplomat, James Cross, and Quebec Minister of Labour, Pierre Laporte before any action was taken.1 These kidnappings forced the government into action. The action was to bring the Canadian Military into Quebec, and to put Canada under the War Measures Act, which suspended the civil liberties of all Canadians. These criteria will be outlined in the following paragraphs. These two decisions were very important in the protection of politicians as well as civilian Canadians. The government was not acting out of fear. It was acting to prevent fear from spreading. It was acting to maintain the rule of law because without it freedom is impossible. It was acting to protect Canada. But the protection was not perfect. The War Measures Act, brought in to protect Canadians, was, according to the FLQ the reason they murdered Pierre Laporte. The murder however, increased the level of protection given to politicians. The first example of this increased protection was at Laporte's funeral. All traffic had been sealed off for four-blocks around the church where the funeral was to take place. When Robert Bourassa, the Premier of Quebec arrived, guards escorted him in, with their guns drawn; Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau was escorted in a similar way, however no guns were visible. Sharp Shooters from the Canadian Armed Forces in position on top of all tall office buildings within a five-block radius of the Notre Dame Church in Montreal. Police carrying rifles with bayonets patrolled the area around the church. Soldiers with machine guns were at every window of the church, and at the church's main towers. A country where the Prime Minister could normally walk unprotected as he pleased, had been changed by terrorists into a place where the Prime Minister was being guarded at all times. Another time of great security was when James Cross was to finally be released, on December 2, 1970, 59 days after he was captured. Nearing his release, police had moved into all houses surrounding the triplex were Cross was being held. They could hear everything that was going on inside. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) were so secretive about its actions that the Montreal Police did not even know what the RCMP was doing. In fact the cover was almost blown when a neighbour had reported strange things happening in a house, a house that the RCMP occupied. On the morning that James Cross was to be released, hundreds of police and soldiers had moved around the area. Full blocks had been sealed from traffic. Snipers and riflemen were everywhere; the FLQ could not escape if they had tried. Because of all this protection and precautions, James Cross was returned safely.2 In addition to these specific security measures during the October Crisis, there were general protection procedures. The RCMP secured federal government buildings in Ottawa, to provide armed escort to federal government officials, and to provide a quick reaction force. A special liaison staff was established at Canadian Forces Headquarters, including members of the RCMP and Ottawa police, to ensure coordination and application of resources. The protection provided to politicians was something unprecedented in Canada, but nonetheless there were no errors made in protecting these individuals.

The second important involvement by the government, was the placement of military officers to protect citizens in Quebec City, Montreal, and Ottawa. When the Quebec Minister of Labour, Pierre Laporte was kidnapped, Quebec Premier, Robert Bourassa called Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau and asked him to send in the army, and to think about invoking the War Measures Act. At this time Trudeau agreed that the army should be sent in. The Quebec government made the announcement on October 13, 1970 that the Armed Forces would be brought in, the government indicated that soldiers from the Armed Forces would be summoned into Quebec City and Montreal, for protection. Within half an hour of Bourassa's announcement a convoy of 200 military vehicles was traveling towards Montreal. In addition to the vehicles, military air transport vehicles were in the air carrying more men, weapons, and supplies to Montreal.3 Not long after the military was brought in there was wide spread anger from many Canadians who were opposed to this kind of action, these people, in most part, were afraid of the Military presence on the streets of their town. In response to the public outcry, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made this statement during a televised interview:

"Yes, well there are a lot of bleeding hearts around who just don't like to see people

with helmets and guns. All I can say is, go on and bleed, but it is more important to

keep law and order in the society than to be worried about weak-kneed people who

don't like the looks of..." He further added: "I think the society must take every means

at its disposal to defend itself against the emergence of a parallel power which defies

the elected power in this country and I think that this goes to any distance".. When

Trudeau was challenged to state just how far he would go, he defiantly stated: "Well,

just watch me".4

Prime Minister Trudeau and the government did not like the decision either, but the action was necessary to protect Canada's democracy. By the evening of October 13, more than 1000 Canadian military officers were stationed in Montreal. Along with the announcement that the military was to be brought in, the Quebec government invoked the Police Act. The Police Act, was an emergency law that placed all of Quebec's police and army personnel under the order of the director of the Quebec Provincial Police (QPP). This left the province of 13 000 men (12 000 police officers, and 1 000 military soldiers).5 In addition to the soldiers in Quebec City, and Montreal, military personnel had been deployed in Ottawa, to protect the nations capital, which many thought could be in danger of attacks by the FLQ. All of this armed presence left the cities with a different feeling, a feeling of war, within the country, something that had never been felt before. However, the presence was necessary, to protect many Canadians, from the actions of a few Canadians who thought they could take over the country. The military was there because the FLQ was becoming increasingly dangerous; with the kidnapping of British diplomat, James Cross, and the kidnapping of Quebec Minister of Labour, Pierre Laporte, the government felt that to no one could be safe without the protection of the military. The role of the military officers would increase substantially with the call from Prime Minister Trudeau that Canada would now be under control of the War Measures Act.6 The power that the officers received under the War Measures Act was immense. Anyone that was seen as a threat could be arrested and detained, without reason for a period of time. The military and police were putting many people in jail, to protect Canada. The soldiers would remain in Quebec until January 4, 1971 which was decided on December 23, 1970.7 Prime Minister Trudeau decided this, after assessing the situation at that time, it was deemed that the FLQ was no longer a threat.8 The decision to bring the military into Quebec City, Montreal, and Ottawa was one of the most important decisions made to protect Canadians during the October Crisis of 1970.

The third and final piece of information of importance was the federal Liberal government's implementation of martial law as the War Measures Act, during the October Crisis of 1970. The decision by Prime Minister to put martial law in place during this time was one of the most important decisions ever made to protect the people of Canada's safety. The War Measures Act, was created in 1914 and read as follows:

"In the event of war, invasion, or insurrection, real or apprehended, the Governor in

Council can deploy military forces, impose censorship, arrest and detain suspected

subversives and aliens, ban subversive organizations, expropriate property, and exert

government control over all aspects of transportation and trade."9

The wording of the War Measures Act was flexible enough to allow the Prime Minister to authorize such acts that were deemed necessary or advisable for the security, defence, peace, order, and welfare of Canada. On October 15, 1970 the War Measures Act was issued and the Front de Liberation du Quebec was declared an unlawful association.10 Any person who was a member of the FLQ, or who acted or supported the FLQ in some fashion became liable to a jail term that could not exceed five years. Any person arrested for such a purpose could be held without bail for up to ninety days. In the absence of evidence that they where not a member, proof that a person was a member of the FLQ was shown by attending a meeting of the FLQ, speaking publicly as an advocate of the FLQ, or to communicate statements on behalf of the FLQ. However the War Measures Act did have one serious backlash, on October 18, 1970,just three days after the announcement that the War Measures Act was in place, Pierre Laporte who had been kidnapped by the FLQ was murdered. The FLQ said he was killed due to the government's decision to invoke the War Measures Act. However, the murder was not something the government could have foreseen.11 The War Measures Act gave sweeping powers to the government. It also suspended the operation of the Canadian Bill of Rights. Prime Minister Trudeau assured the public that the government was very reluctant to seek such powers, and that it did so only when it became clear that the situation could not be controlled unless assistance was made available immediately. The War Measures Act was the extraordinary assistance necessary.12 The police and military were given certain powers necessary for the detection and elimination of conspiratorial FLQ members. The FLQ advocated the use of violence and so membership of the FLQ was declared illegal. The power that the officers were given included: the right to search and arrest without warrant, to detain suspected members without it being necessary to lay specific charges right away, and to detain these people without bail.13 They were strong powers and where distasteful, but nonetheless very necessary, to permit the police and soldiers to deal with people who advocated the FLQ overthrow of Canada's democratic system. Many Canadians, once again, did not support the government's actions that were so undemocratic.14 Many people did not know how critical the situation with the FLQ really was, the crisis was not being taken seriously enough by the public. The public did not know how much danger the FLQ had put them in. There were threats of bombing to large business buildings, and threats of more kidnappings, the War Measures Act, which today has evolved into the Emergencies Act, was necessary to protect the democracy in Canada, that the FLQ was trying to take away.

There were three very important actions performed by both the federal government and the government of Quebec during the October Crisis of 1970: the protection of high profile politicians involved with the FLQ's actions, the decision to bring the military into Quebec City, Montreal and Ottawa, and the federal governments decision to put martial law into action by way of the War Measures Act. The story of the FLQ and the October Crisis of 1970 has taught us not to take the first signs of terrorism lightly, but to take them seriously, and act in a manor that will protect Canada's integrity, and discourage future acts of such senseless violence.

The next two essays were written to mark anniversaries — the tenth anniversary of Pierre Trudeau’s invocation of the War Measures Act in 1970, and the sixtieth anniversary of Canada’s imprisoning eight communists in 1931. In both cases, men and women were jailed not because of anything they’d done, only because of their political beliefs.

“There are very few times in the history of any country when all persons must take a stand on critical issues. This is one of those times; this is one of those issues.” — Pierre Trudeau, October 16, 1970

he War Measures Act, which Pierre Trudeau invoked ten years ago this month, outlawed the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ). The police and armed forces needed only suspect FLQ membership to arrest anyone, anywhere in Canada. Suspects could be held for twenty-one days without being charged, and for ninety days without a trial date being set. When a trial finally was scheduled, normal legal processes were to be reversed; suspects were guilty until proven innocent. Under the War Measures Act, hundreds were thrown in jail. Only two were convicted of FLQ membership. And none of those arrested provided police with information leading to the kidnappers of James Cross and Pierre Laporte.

Canadian “deference to authority,” as Edgar Z. Friedenberg describes it, was never more apparent than in our response to being the first western democracy to suspend civil liberties in peacetime. Four days after Trudeau brought in the WMA, a Gallup Poll revealed that eighty-eight per cent of us either approved of what the government had done or thought it should have gone farther. Only four per cent of those polled were opposed.

The media sometimes refer to themselves as the Fourth Estate. But Canada’s media seem uncertain about what the term means and implies. (In a speech to the British parliament, Edmund Burke listed the various estates of the realm that held control of the government — the Lords Spiritual, the Lords Temporal, and the Commons. But then, pointing to the press gallery, Burke added, “And yonder sits the Fourth Estate, more important than them all.”)

Canada’s media were almost unanimous in accepting the imposition of the WMA. The Halifax Chronicle-Herald, which had earlier asked for martial law (“a military court does not have to concern itself with the niceties and the mores and morals of capital punishment, or the channels or frustrations of criminal law”), was delighted. The Vancouver Sun declared: “At last, government has armed itself to fight fire with fire and match ruthlessness with ruthlessness.”

The two newspapers one might have expected most from lest us down. The Toronto Globe and Mail’s masthead daily proclaims in the words of Burke’s contemporary, Junius, that “The subject who is truly loyal to the Chief Magistrate will neither advise nor submit to arbitrary measures.” On the subject of the WMA the Globe was at first positively mealy-mouthed: “Only if we can believe that the Government has evidence that the FLQ is strong enough and sufficiently armed to escalate the violence that it has spawned for seven years now, only if we can believe that it is virulent enough to infect other areas of society, only then can the Government’s assumption of incredible powers be tolerated.” It wasn’t until later that the Globe began to ask tough questions.

Claude Ryan of Le Devoir initially opposed the use of the act. Its invocation simply confirmed “that Ottawa is the seat of real national government and that Quebec is after all only a rather more troublesome province than the others.” But the murder of Laporte made him reassess his position. The War Measures Act was excessive, he still felt, but perhaps exceptional measures were necessary.

Most editorials said the government wouldn’t have acted as it had without good reason. After all, as The Montreal Star put it, wasn’t Pierre Trudeau himself a civil libertarian? The Edmonton Journal accepted the situation because “we do not have the information available to the Government.” The Kingston Whig-Standard told its readers that the government is “obviously in possession of alarming information.” Le Soleil of Quebec City concluded that “if the authorities chose to resort to such extreme measures it is because they had good reasons.”

The government encouraged the view that it knew things that we, as mere citizens, couldn’t know. John Turner, then minister of justice, told the House of Commons on October 16: “It is my hope that some day the full details of the intelligence upon which the government acted can be made public, because until that day comes the people of Canada will not be able fully to appraise the course of action which has been taken by the government.” (That day still hasn’t come.) Some other cabinet members told Peter C. Newman of the Toronto Star that the real reason the WMA had been invoked was to prevent a coup d’état. The Star ran the story, unsigned, on page one. Other reporters had the story confirmed by their own sources and it was given wide circulation. Trudeau then accused the press and the opposition of spreading false rumours.

The only newspaper in Canada I know of that took an unequivocal editorial stand against the WMA was the Brandon Sun: “Prime Minister Trudeau has struck a great blow for the FLQ. Not at them. No single action can do more to bring people over to the side of violent separatism than the invoking by the Prime Minister of the War Measures Act....”

The October Crisis, continued > 

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